By Tatyana Shvetsova Emperor Pavel I (Paul I) was the great grandson of Emperor Peter the Great and the son of Catherine the Great. He died misunderstood and despised by many of his contemporaries, plagued by an erroneously ill-famed reputation. Availing ourselves of diverse historical sources, old and new, we shall attempt to give an objective assessment of Pavel I and his reign.
Catherine the Great’s son Pavel ‘ascended the throne on November 6th 1796, at the age of 42, having experienced many a difficulty in his lifetime, and grown cantankerous under the impact of the chilly, insincere and even hostile relationship between him and his Mother. Not only did Catherine display an absence of maternal love for her offspring, but even tended to treat him with wary suspicion, since she couldn’t help regard him as a contender for the throne, which she had claimed in bypass of Pavel, from his Father Peter III. Of course, due to this suspicion, Catherine kept Pavel at a safe distance from all state affairs, excluding him from her Council and administration, as well as from managing military matters. An absence of love towards her son manifested itself in Catherine’s negligent and dismissive treatment of him – something that couldn’t fail to affect the way Pavel was generally treated at Court by Catherine’s favorites. Pavel was clearly in the bad graces of the entire Court and had to put up with measured insolence on the part of his Mother’s courtiers.” In his essay on Pavel I historian Yuri Sorokin gives the following example of court insolence: “Prince Platon Zubov, the last favorite of Catherine II, once publicly said to Pavel: “Have I said something foolish, that you have deigned to agree with me?!” For what it’s worth, Pavel stoically endured the insolent, at times incongruous impertinence of his Mother’s favorites. Historian Sergey Platonov, however, notes: “It’s understandable that all this must have vastly irritated Pavel, who, for all his admirable reserve, must have realized that the humiliation and abuse he was subjected to was not just mere impudence, but a crime.”
Pavel learned with effortless ease, displaying a keen intellect and depth of knowledge. He achieved particularly good results in studying the Scripture. His instructor – Hiermonk Platon – insisted Pavel write numerous compositions on set themes. One can only marvel at the able-minded future Monarch, who at the age of ten was able to write the following: “It is true that the road to knowledge is laborious and uninviting at times, yet patience and diligence, applied when surmounting the first obstacles, are speedily rewarded by obvious gains and inconceivable pleasure. I can say this from personal experience. I must admit to having occasionally succumbed to idle ‘ennui’ at the outset of my studies… Yet, availing myself of the salubrious advice offered me, I overcame the aforesaid ‘ennui’, only to realize that it was nothing, compared to the overwhelming joy that followed.” In the words of young Pavel’s teachers, he was most critical of his own achievements; was conscious of his personal failings: a levity, overly wanton high spirits, lack of patience, - and honestly attempted to amend. Historian Yuri Sorokin, in saying that Pavel “since a tender age was trained to be a future Ruler”, notes that “…foreign ambassadors were received in audience by Pavel; leading dignitaries of the time of his Grandmother Elizabeth’s reign dined in his presence – all so that the future Ruler might listen to their conversation and master the difficult task of reigning. The young Prince’s mentor Nikita Panin was given strict instructions: to break Pavel in to ‘matters of scope’, and only on rare occasions, during holidays, allow the young Prince to play with his contemporaries.” At this point it should be noted that since childhood Pavel was kept at a distance from his parents by his Grandmother, the reigning Empress Elizabeth. It was to her he owed such unfailing attention to his education and upbringing. According to Catherine the Great, in the last year of her life Empress Elizabeth cherished serious intentions of passing the throne over to Pavel. If this had happened, Catherine would never have been enthroned. While she had dreamt of becoming Empress, which explains why she endeavored to ensure that the crown fall to her husband Peter III, rather than her son Pavel. Elizabeth died, having receiving Peter III‘s promise that he would show more love towards his son Pavel. But for a long time after Peter became Emperor, he refused to acknowledge his son as his successor and heir. Pavel was pronounced heir only after Catherine became Empress due to a Palace revolution of June 27th 1762, when she wrested the crown from her feeble-minded husband Peter III. Pavel was eight years old at the time. On September 20th 1772 Pavel turned eighteen, - in other word came of age. The Diplomatic corps, as well as certain Russian dignitaries, first and foremost Pavel’s mentor Nikita Panin, expected the young Prince would at the very least ‘share the burden of power’ with his Mother. Yet, as historian Yuri Sorokin wrote:
In the meantime, negotiations regarding Pavel’s marriage were in full progress. Catherine’s choice fell on Princess Wilhelmina of Darmstadt. Thus, Pavel was wed to her on September 29th 1773. Wilhelmina adopted Orthodoxy and received a new, Russian name – Nataliya Alekseyevna. Nikita Panin, showered with favours, was resigned from Tutorial duties, yet retained his hold and influence over Pavel. In 1774 Pavel worked studiously on a project entitled “Deliberations on the state at large”, which he later passed on to Catherine for inspection. Historian Yuri Sorokin says: “This written effort by Pavel is highly important for understanding where his political sympathies lay, recognizing his antipathies, and his overall attitude to Catherine the Great’s policies.” Thus, to preserve ‘Russia’s fortunes’, Pavel suggests rejecting the policy of offensive wars, and training exclusively for defensive ones. For this purpose, he envisioned concentrating four armies on the borders of the Empire: against Sweden, against Prussia and Austria, against Turkey, and the fourth – in Siberia. All other regiments were to be permanently located at fixed positions within the country, receiving a steady supply of recruits and allowance from the local population. Overtime, it was suggested to forfeit the recruit system, and augment the army with soldiers’ offspring. The regiments were to receive equal personnel, precise Manuals and instructions, regulating the rights and obligations of all military personnel – from Field Marshal to private. Pavel’s project envisaged a strict regimentation of all army life, starting with the uniforms, and ending with the drill. An iron discipline was welcomed, complete with personal responsibility. Pavel supposed that the soldiers would ‘be increasingly more willing and content in service’, since they would no longer suffer from the whims and rampancy of the commanding officers, whose ignominious behavior besmirched the army service and repelled those who would otherwise be willing to enter service’. Many historians are predisposed to regard this document as the political credo of Pavel I. Moreover, this project is often handled as a singular political program, which he was later guided by upon ascending the throne. Catherine II responded to her son’s composition with a chill reserve. Which could hardly have been otherwise, since Pavel’s project, albeit in veiled form, contained criticism of her own policies. Perhaps, it was this that lost Pavel a seat in the Senate, or with the Imperial Council. He was in fact consistently removed from all affairs of the state. I Historian Yuri Sorokin wrote: “Pavel was enchanted by Frederick, his bride, and Prussia in general. He attempted to imitate Frederick II in manner of dress, stance, even riding habits. The liked the Prussian state system, in general, and the Prussian Army, in particular, with its iron discipline, strict centralized control and regimentation. Moreover, Pavel fell head over heels in love with his young bride.” In a word, Pavel was much pleased with his trip. The wedding was held on September 26th 1776. The new Grand Duchess, adopting Orthodoxy, received the name of Maria Fyodorovna. She seemed reserved, artless, and bent on shaking down as soon as possible to the new conditions this country offered. With rare unanimity, both contemporaries and pre-revolutionary historians appraised her as “an angel in the flesh”. For the purpose of instituting law and order in the Army, the Emperor
launched a military reform, making ample use of his Gatchina experience.
All Guards regiments were rearranged. A new uniform, Prussian-style, was
introduced – something that didn’t ‘sit well’ with a majority in the army.
Likewise, there was common displeasure over the new choice of military
commanders from among the Gatchina force. The Czar also took measures to
deal with all instances of abuse of power within the army – yet another
measure that was vastly unpopular. Nobody liked Pavel’s severity and “…for misconduct, loose morals, ribaldry, drunken debauchery, idleness, negligence in duties, ineptitude in service, impertinence, falsehood, dereliction in service, and disobedience. The punishment was: a menacing shout, an oral reprimand, brief or lengthy arrest, depending on the transgression; resignation from service, monetary fine, transfer to a distant garrison, and, finally, stripping of noble title. As for who was punished, well – anyone who deserved it, irrespective of rank and title.” Pavel was against privileges, believing there shouldn’t be any privileged folk within the state, all the more so – groups of people, for all were equal before the law. He emphatically said this on numerous occasions, wording his opinions thus: “Great in Russia is the one whom I am speaking to, and only while I am speaking to them.” This was a jab at the aristocracy. Pavel had done away with certain privileges of the upper classes, and, accordingly, gained even more enemies. Pavel legally limited the measured work of the peasants for their landowners to just three days. The remaining three days the peasants were allowed to work for their own gain. Sunday was a day off. Ekaterina Dashkova, a contemporary of Pavel I wrote in her notes that in his very first manifesto, upon ascending the throne, Pavel announced that he demanded an oath of allegiance from not only the free classes, but the peasant serfs, too. In the words of Ekaterina Dashkova, “this was a new measure, never previously resorted to in Russia… The peasants got the notion they no longer belonged to their landowners and some villages in diverse regions revolted against their masters.” We find an example of similar peasants’ behavior in accounts of another of Pavel I’s contemporaries – Fyodor Lubyanovsky: “Some twelve thousand peasants, both local and those arrived from other estates, converged on Brasov, Orlov gubernia, - the principal village on the estate of Stepan Stepanovich Apraksin. They deliberately deserted their chores, plundered the bread supplies, rolled out the wine barrels from the cellars and, drunk one and all, proclaimed themselves ‘the Emperor’s peasants’. They murdered the superintendent of the estate, and kept the gubernia councilor, sent over to conduct an investigation, shackled in irons under the watchful eye of the guards. Upon hearing of the troops, sent in to pacify them, the peasants set up a battery in the churchyard, opposite the main village street, found some gunpowder in the master’s yard, and half a dozen guns. The moment the army came into sight, they opened fire. In response to the demand to send forward a delegation of elders, give up the instigators, and humbly take the blame for the consequences, they fired more gunshots. Thus, the army was forced to use case-shot. At the first of these, the entire rabble, as one, fell to their knees, begging for mercy. So much for the riot! The peasants eagerly spilled the beans on the instigators of the unrest, ranting and cursing all the while, and seeking to absolve themselves from all blame by traditionally referring to themselves as “but dim, unlearned folk, - too drunk to know what they were about.” After the series of peasants’ riots, Pavel I issued a decree that read: “I rule that all peasants, meekly continuing in their previous rank, be duly obedient to their landowner masters.” One of the Emperor’s contemporaries wrote: “One can generally assume that at heart, educated in the true spirit of European enlightenment, Pavel … never condoned serfdom, and fully realized how harmful the latter was for all of Russia.” Historian Alexei Peskov draws attention to a whole series of government acts, issued in the very first weeks of Pavel’s rule, which directly served the interests of the peasants. The historian notes: “The Emperor’s State acts relating to the plight of the peasants were issued with such alacrity, such consistency, that it would be safe to assume their preparation followed a well-thought-out plan. Thus, the dreaded recruiting was abolished, as was the devastative bread gild and a number of arrearages. Pavel endowed the peasants with the right to launch complaints against the landowners, even in the name of the Emperor – something strictly banned by the juridical system under Catherine the Great. A decree was issued prohibiting the sale of ‘house’ and ‘land’ serfs without land. This decree clearly gave it to be understood that in Pavel’s opinion, the peasants might be affixed to the land, yet they were not the private property of the landowners.” Upon ascending the throne, Pavel began injecting government institutions with a greater degree of law and discipline. Himself intrinsically a highly organized man, he demanded the same from others. Let’s turn to some of the recollections of his contemporaries: “As a rule the Emperor rose very early in the morning, and got down to work by 6 a.m. The Procurator-General would usually set off for the palace with reports as early as 5:30 a.m… By the beginning of the seventh hour, the Emperor required the presence of all those nobles … whose rank and duty demanded their presence every morning. The Emperor … discussed with them urgent state matters throughout the seventh and eighth hour… The entire court and government followed the Emperor’s example: in the collegiums, departments, chancelleries – the work day started at 5 a.m. And by 8 a.m. the Senators would be seated around the red table… By 8 a.m. a harnessed sleigh and a mount would be waiting outside the Royal porch. The Emperor made the rounds of the places in the city that he intended to visit that particular day… His visits were frequent and spontaneous…” Several days after Pavel’s enthronement, a special vast window was put up in the palace, where anyone could dispatch a petition in the Emperor’s name. This window was located on the lower floor of the palace, and Pavel kept the key to the appropriate chambers. Every morning the Emperor went there to collect the supplications. The contents were varied: some pleaded for a speedy resolution of a litigation, some complained of ruthless whipping and abuse; there were appeals for resignation, for being granted army service; there were complaints against the regiment commander; information on stolen cattle, requests to be allowed to marry; permission was asked to open a store, to allay neighbors’ quarrels; numerous reports of fires, plunders, abuse, oppression, murder, etc. The supplications were made by people of all rank and title. Historian Alexei Peskov writes: “The resolutions or replies to these appeals were always personally answered or signed by Pavel and later published in newspapers to inform the supplicants. All this was done speedily and without undue foot-dragging. Thus, many blatant wrongdoings were promptly revealed, and in such cases Pavel was relentless. No personal or class considerations could save those at fault from retribution.” One of Pavel’s contemporaries wrote: “The nobles knew full well that anyone could write an appeal to the Emperor, and that the latter read every missive… Fear cultivated a benevolence in them…” Pavel inherited from his mother, Catherine the Great a totally disastrous financial system, with a collapsed rouble rate. In this connection, historian Alexei Peskov makes mention of the following statement by one of Pavel’s contemporaries: “There were rumors that Pavel, speaking of financial matters, announced he would have no peace until the rouble was boosted to its appropriate value and rate. A pronouncement worthy of a great ruler!” Due to the new political theories, all abuzz in Western Europe on the heels of the French revolution, Pavel banned young people from being sent abroad for an education. Instead, a series of educational establishments were opened in the Russian Empire. These were: Derptsky University, Medical Academies in Moscow and St.Petersburg, a Theological Academy in St.Petersburg, and also there – the Maryinsky Institute, St.Catherine’s college, the Military Orphans School, where orphan boys received military training. Historian Dmitry Ilovaisky mentioned other measures, adopted by Pavel to counter the harmful revolutionary trends rampant in the West: “Privately-owned publishing houses were closed, and new censorship codes introduced strict control over all book publishing. The only books allowed for printing were those devoid of anything contrary to the provisions of the Orthodox church and Russian autocratic rule.” And now we’d like to dwell on the foreign policy of Pavel I. As we have already said, Pavel intended to adhere to a ‘defensive’ policy, avoiding confrontation, and offensive wars. He longed for Russia to lead a tranquil life, unlike was the case in previous epochs. At the outset Pavel cut short the preparations for an offensive against the French revolution, preparations he had inherited from Catherine the Great. However, he simultaneously put an end to the inherited war with Persia over Georgia, which was integrated at its request into Russia in 1801. However, circumstances were such that throughout his reign, Pavel was forced to war with France and prepare for military action against England. This is what historian Grigory Novitsky writes of the reasons that led the Emperor to become involved in the campaign against France: “Wars, launched by the French Republic, acquired an increasingly invasive nature. In 1798 General Bonaparte set out on a military campaign to Egypt. Along the way he seized the island of Malta, which was under the patronage of Russia that supported the Knightly Order of John of Jerusalem. After the capture of Malta by Bonaparte, the Knightly Order chose Pavel I as their Grand Master. Bonaparte likewise seized the strategically crucial Ionian Isles in the Mediterranean Sea. A coalition was formed against France, which included Russia, England, Austria, Naples and Turkey, which were alarmed by France’s seizure of Egypt. In August 1798 the Russian Fleet, under Admiral Ushakov, demonstrated to the entire world how formidable it had become, despite its youth. Fyodor Ushakov was an outstanding navy officer, an innovative naval strategist. England was doing everything possible to draw the Russian military-naval forces away from Malta and the Ionian isles. Thus, Admiral Nelson asked for assistance in the siege of Alexandria in Egypt. However, the great Russian naval Commander divined Nelson’s intentions. Despite all measures aimed at distracting him, he nonetheless set sail for the Ionian isles and in five weeks captured them, setting siege to the isle of Corfu, whose fortress housed a 3,000 strong French army regiment, armed with vast supplies of hardware, ammunition, and food. Admiral Ushakov launched a daring assault and seized the Vido isle, dominating over the fortress, and finally forced the French garrison to surrender. The victorious troops seized impressive spoils: 636 guns, 5495 rifles, a vast amount of cannonballs, gunpowder and food supplies. The great Russian Army Commander Alexander Suvorov, upon receiving news of this wonderful military feat achieved by Fyodor Ushakov’s Squadron, exclaimed: “Oh, why was I not at least a midshipman at the siege of Corfu!” The population of the Ionian isles was not only liberated from violence and pillaging by the French troops, but received from Admiral Ushakov such forms of self-government, that were unheard-of in the Eastern Mediterranean. The Russian Squadron liberated Naples from the French, too. To the credit of the Russian sailors it should be said they displayed remarkable humaneness towards the prisoners, unlike Admiral Nelson, who, together with the King of Naples participated in the brutal slaughter of the captured French republicans. The principal war actions, however, were under way in Northern Italy and Switzerland, captured by the French in 1796. Two Russian Armies were supposed to conduct military action there jointly with Austria. A Russian auxiliary corps was to set off together with the English army to engage in action against the French in Holland. At the request of the Austrian Emperor the outstanding Russian army commander Alexander Suvorov was appointed to head the joint Russo-Austrian army. Historian Dmitry Ilovaisky wrote: “The Italian campaign brought the Russian Commander glory, yet the fruits of his brilliant victories in Italy (on the banks of the Adda, Trebia and at Novi Ligure) were destroyed through the inexpedient measures and open envy of the Austrian Royal-military council – Hofkriegstrat”. Historian Grigory Novitsky noted: “The Austrians were anxious to appropriate the fruits of Suvorov’s victories, and to seize all of Italy. General Mellas, who commanded the Austrian troops, brazenly called the tune in Italy, foisting Austrian practices throughout. The Russian Army stood in the way of Austria’s ambitious plans. And the Austrians insisted the Russian troops be redeployed to Switzerland, allegedly to reinforce the Russian Corps situated there. The Russians were looking at a hazardous journey across the Alps… In the meantime, a major part of the Austrian troops located there, was withdrawn over to the Rhine. Alexander Suvorov was deeply incensed by this treachery of the Austrian side, and was fully aware of the dangers that lay in store for the Russian army, unfamiliar with war action in mountainous terrain. Still, there was no avoiding it…” Without going into tedious details, let us just say that Alexander Suvorov’s army managed to tackle the Alps and crushed the French troops. At the same time the expedition of the Anglo-Russian detachment in Holland was a failure. England dealt Russia just as treacherous a blow as the Austrian side. The Duke of York, signing an act of capitulation with French Army Commander Bruinne, betrayed the Russian army. Afterwards, in breach of the Anglo-Russian treaty on military neutrality regarding Malta, they seized the Isle, evoking the resentment and ire of Pavel I, who resolved to break with England and prepare for war with it. However, he wasn’t destined to realize his intentions due to his own demise. Characterizing Pavel’s reign, historian Alexei Peskov wrote: “A Monarch in Russia is much more than a Monarch. He is God’s representative on Earth, a cultural hero and an apostle… His historic duty before Providence is to regularly manage affairs of the state. Such was the logic of Emperor Pavel I – not his private reasoning, but reasoning born of his sovereign rank. …Pavel could not begin his reign otherwise than by attempting to waken the country from its state of stagnant debauchery. He introduced harsh, radical measures to purge the state of idleness, mismanagement, negligence and bribe taking. He introduced strict discipline in military and civilian service. He demanded the government officials promptly settle all urgent matters. By the beginning of the 19th century Russia was supposed to become transformed into the streamlined and articulate Empire of Peter the Great, completed with Pavel’s assistance. “Just so!” – the Emperor’s subjects responded with alacrity, unwilling to embark on futile arguments with him and inducing his wrath. On the sly, the thieving and bribe taking continued; standing to attention, they’d be making fun of the Emperor and sketching his caricatures in their mind; affairs were dealt with promptly, and… with even more prompt idiocy. Human nature will prevail… Catherine the Great realized this, and while dispensing historical duties among her favorites and chosen nobles, turned a blind eye to their ‘pranks’. She was well aware of the difficulty of possessing power and not using it to one’s own advantage and profit. So she laid it down as a general rule: if someone was proven faithful to her and managed to cope with his part of the duties without detriment to the state machinery, then small ‘transgressions’ could be forgiven: after all, it was a vast country – they couldn’t steal all of it to pieces…
It all ended with a circle of high-ranking conspirators being formed, with the intention of removing Pavel from power and placing his elder son, Alexander on the throne. On March 11th 1801, at midnight, the conspirators infiltrated Pavel’s residence, Mikhailovsky castle, and assassinated him. Thus ended the life of Emperor Pavel, the first of the Russian Emperors after Peter the Great, who didn’t serve the interests of the gentry. _______________________
Illustrations: A. Peskov, The Life of Famous People, “Paul I”, Moscow,
Molodaya Gvardiya, 2003
03/11/2005
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Well-known
Russian historian Sergey Platonov wrote:
Pavel coveted
active involvement in state affairs – something he’d been trained for since
childhood. His Mentor was none other than Count Nikita Panin, one of the
leading public state figures in Russia of the second half of the 18th century.
Eminent European scientists had been invited to instruct the heir to the
throne.
“…Catherine
only allowed her son to assume the responsibilities of Admiral-General
of the Russian Fleet and Colonel of his own private Kirasir Army Corps.
Pavel, though, accepted his new duties with due diligence”.
n April
1776 Pavel’s wife Nataliya Alekseyevna died in childbirth. Pavel, who loved
her dearly, was grief-stricken. To ‘cure’ her son of his heartache, and
show the deceased as unworthy of his tears, Catherine acquainted him with
his wife’s correspondence with Elizabeth’s former favorite, Count Andrei
Razumovsky, by then fallen from grace at court. At the same time, Catherine
wasted no time arranging Pavel’s marriage to 17-year-old Princess Sophia
Dorothea of Wuerttemberg. On June 13th 1776 the Prince left for Berlin
to acquaint himself with his future bride. Prussian King Frederick II attempted
to make use of the opportunity to forge friendly ties with Pavel. Thus,
Pavel was exposed to ceremonial honors, the likes of which he never dreamt
of in his native land.
constant
fault-finding. What were people punished for in Pavel’s time? Historian
Alexei Peskov writes:
Pavel,
however, demanded the impossible from his subjects: that they hold the
interests of the state dearer than their own, and regarded the mere course
of life a digression from the course of history…”
